Jahrhunderts im Schatten kultureller Missverstandnisse (Zurich : Chronos‑Vert, 1993) ; Marshall Poe, Foreign Descriptions of Muscovy : An Analytic Bibliography of Primary and Secondary Sources (Columbus, OH : Slavica Publishers, 1995) ; Marshall Poe, A People Born to Slavery : Russia in Early Modern European Ethnography, 1476‑1748 (Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press, 2001). Miklosich, J. Fiedler, eds., Slavische Bibliothek oder Beträge zur slavischen Philologie und Geschichte II (Vienna, 1858), 63‑93. In the 1690’s the Habsburg ambassador to Moscow was one Ignaz von Guarient and his secretary Johann Korb. 208‑09 [original vol. After the death of Ivan IV, Dmitry's older brother, Feodor I, ascended to power. Dmitrii Ivanovich; 19 October 1582 – 15 May 1591), also known as Dmitry of Uglich (Дмитрий Угличский, Uglichskii) or Dmitry of Moscow (Дмитрий Московский, Moskovskii), was a Russian tsarevich famously impersonated by a series of pretenders after the death of his father Ivan the Terrible. The story of the murder in this letter was not a fact he learned from his interpreters but a rumor, again contradicting the Moscovia version. I've killed my son! 36 C.E. 10To complicate matters further, earlier on in the “first” (chapter one but written second) commentary Possevino tells us that after the first journey he left “two men” for five months who observed many things: “cum item apud Moscum reliquissem duos homines, qui, dum ab eo aberam, mensium quinque spatio multa observarunt.”19 These two cannot be the same as the two interpreters, since he claimed that he had sent “the other” of his interpreters to Moscow, not left him there.
Hearing her screams, the Tsarevich rushed to his wife's defence, angrily shouting, "You sent my first wife to a convent for no reason, you did the same with my second, and now you strike the third, causing the death of the son she holds in her womb." The younger Ivan briefly regained consciousness and said "I die as a devoted son and most humble servant." 22Finally, no contemporary Russian sources say more than that the tsarevich died. The few surviving Herberstein reports are in Joseph Fiedler, “Aktenstücke zu Siegmunds Freiherrn von Herberstein zweiter Mission nach Russland 1525‑26,” in Fr. This story is one of the classics of Russian history, retold by Karamzin and all later historians and most famous from the Repin painting.5 The death of the tsarevich became a theme all of its own in modern Russian culture.6 Yet the correspondence of Possevino provides a quite different picture from the printed book. The statement that he believed Ivan to always (sempre) incline toward peace also contradicts the statement in the Moscovia that the death of the tsarevich made Ivan listen “more mildly” (mitius) to what Possevino said to him.
One night in November 1582, the Russian Czar Ivan IV was busy yelling at his son Ivan Ivanovich's pregnant wife. Floria and a variety of Polish historians have identified evolving political program at the Polish court and in the diet toward Russia.
He arrived in Rome in September, 1586. Piotrowski later entered the priesthood. Possevino even told the Poles that the stories about Ivan’s “barbarism” were not true, as the royal secretary Jan Piotrowski recorded in his diary under 22 November.23 Later on Possevino certainly heard the stories of the death of the tsarevich. The Tsarevich confronted his father on the matter, only to have the topic changed to his insubordination regarding Pskov. For five weeks, he and his father would watch the Oprichniks with enthusiasm and retire to church for prayer. Possevino even told the Poles that the stories about Ivan’s “barbarism” were not true, as the royal secretary Jan Piotrowski recorded in his diary under 22 November. Turgenev, ed., Supplementum ad Historica Russiæ Monumenta (SPb., 1848), 393. : Bashmakova, 1910), 179 ; R.G. Following the official investigation, Maria Nagaya was forcibly tonsured as a nun and exiled to a remote convent.
The only reason that the readers did not see the deception is that few if any of them in 1586 knew the exact date of the death of the tsarevich.
After Feodor's death, Russia entered a period of political uncertainty known as the Time of Troubles. All of this literature has contributed to our understanding of Russian history, but many issues remained unresolved.1, 2If we are to use these sources, we must understand not merely general cultural prejudices but the character of the documents themselves. It would be easy to speculate on the basis of our knowledge of Papal and Polish politics and relations with Russia, but that would be nothing more, just speculation. Ivan Ivanovich's relationship with his father began to deteriorate during the later stages of the Livonian War. Cependant, Moscovia d’Antonio Possevino SJ, qui est la seule source contemporaine, n’a été publiée pour la première fois qu’en 1586.
Ivan was the second son of Ivan the Terrible by his first wife Anastasia Romanovna. This second wife was Praskovia Solova, who quickly met with the same fate as her predecessor, and was also put away into a convent. Tsarevich Dmitry or Dmitri Ivanovich (Russian: Дмитрий Иванович, tr. The result was the well‑known story of Ivan’s blow to the wife of the tsarevich and the subsequent quarrel and blow to the son.10 Hugh Graham’s English conveyed Possevino’s caution but literally the story was “put about (note the irresponsible passive voice: by whom?)
23 “Possewin... Moskiewskiego ad sidera tollit.” “Nie widziałem, prawi, w nim babariem takiej, jako ludzie mówią : kto sprawy jego ze sprawami wojska tego konferuje, daleko tam więtszą bojaźń Boga najdzie.” “Stąd mu się podoba Kniaź, że, co słowo, to się przeżegna a obrazków około niego pełno,” A. Czuczyński, ed., X. Jan Piotrowski, Dziennik wyprawy Stefana Batorego pod Psków (Krakow, 1894), 186. A monarchy, however, is a family at its core, and how that family lived was an important component of the “state,” as we call it. In 1583 Possevino went on another mission to Hungary and Transylvania, after which he returned to Poland. His sadistic impulses remained, and he frequently oversaw the torture of prisoners with his father, as well as swap lovers. Russie - Empire russe - Union soviétique et États indépendants. La partie concernant la mort du tsarevič a été rédigée quelques années après la survenue de l’événement et entre en contradiction avec d’autres informations du livre. Indeed, she had been one of twelve women paraded before the Tsar in a bride-show for him to make a choice. The argument became violent, and when the czar flew into a rage and struck her, Ivan Ivanovich rushed to intervene. The Poles got out of these rumors what they wanted to hear, especially the king and his more militant officials, like the Chancellor Jan Zamoyski. He commented: “Può essere che tali cose qualche volta serviranno come potrà comprender.” (“It may be that such things will be useful some time, as one may understand”).40 What is not clear is why Possevino had to be asked to write the “second commentary” on the 1582 embassy to Moscow, and why he had to use “avvertimenti” from Galli. 17 Possevino, Moscovia, 1586, 227‑227v ; Idem, Moscovia et alia opera, 1595, 72‑73 ; Idem, Commentarii, 155 ; Godovikova, Istoricheskie sochineniia, 117, 120. That child was presumably miscarried around the time when Ivan died by his father's hand in November 1581. The Tsar wanted his daughter-in-law to produce an heir very quickly, and this did not happen, so the Tsar banished her to a convent and got his son another bride. The 1586 Wilno edition has most of these letters, but the 1587 Antwerp edition (which Graham used) does not have them at all. That child was presumably miscarried around the time when Ivan died by his father's hand in November 1581. The second falsehood was that the story was the result of conscientious investigation, conveyed to him by his interpreter. Son of Ivan the Terrible and Anastasia Romanovna Zakharyina-Yurieva The relevant chapter was composed several years later, and is inconsistent with other information in the book. For the next few days, the elder Ivan prayed incessantly for a miracle, but to no avail, and the Tsarevich died on 19 November 1581. Two larger issues arise from the story of Possevino’s deception about his knowledge of the death of the tsarevich. Much of the latter revolves around understanding the source of various stereotypes of the country that prevailed in Western Europe. [Ivan the Terrible : Historicism and the Personality of the Ruler in the Art of the Fatherland in the 19‑20th Centuries] (SPb. (November 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message), The wounded Ivan being cradled by his father in. II (P. : Plon, 1897). Modern historians do not have that excuse. The subsequent official investigation, led by Vasily Shuisky, after a thorough examination of witnesses, concluded the Tsarevich had died from a self-inflicted stab wound to the throat. 3, cols. See Antonio Menniti Ippolito, “Note sulla Segreteria di Stato come ministero particolare del Pontefice Romano” in Gianvittorio Signorotto and Maria Antonietta Visceglia, eds., La corte di Roma tra cinque e seicento : ‘Teatro’ della politica europea (Rome, 1998), 167‑189. Graham did not indicate a source for the information about the interpreters but presumably it was Pierling, who believed that the source was Possevino’s other interpreter Vasilii Zamaskii : Paul Pierling, Papes et Tsars (1547‑1597) : d’après des documents nouveaux (P. : Retaux‑Bray, 1890), 304 ; and Idem, La Russie et le Saint‑Siège, 160‑161. Ivan IV lashed out at his son, striking him in the head with a scepter. The Tsarevich died on November 19, 1581. At the age of seventeen, Ivan was betrothed to Eudoxia Saburova, who had previously been proposed as a bride for Tsar Ivan. The Italian translation was more definite : “per manifesto inditio” for “certiore indicio” and “vera” for “veriore” : Possevino, Commentarii, 38‑39. Neither translator was the source of the story, in spite of Possevino’s assertion in the Moscovia.
The Tsar wanted his daughter-in-law to produce an heir very quickly, and this did not happen, so the Tsar banished her to a convent and got his son another bride. This conclusion arises from Possevino’s own letter of 16 November 1586 to Ivan, printed as an appendix to the Moscovia itself. In the 20th century, the majority of Russian and Soviet historians[who?] B.N. Vasilevskii (SPb., 1889), 241‑242 ; Idem, Rerum Polonicarum… libri XII (Frankfurt/Main, 1672), 188 ; Polish translation : Rajnold Hejdensztejn, Dzieje Polski od śmierci Zygmunta Augusta do roku 1594, 2 Vols. On Annibale di Capua see Jan Władysław Woś, Santa Sede e corona Polacca nella corrispondenzade Annibale di Capua 1586‑1591, Trento, 2004.
It would be useful to analyze the text more fully in the light of Possevino’s correspondence, but here we will confine ourselves to one incident, the story of Ivan’s murder of his son Ivan Ivanovich in 1581.
Boris Godunov, who was present at the scene, tried to intervene, but received blows himself. That is to say, the dispatches of Herberstein and Fletcher do not seem to exist in the relevant archives so the published books are our only sources for these missions. 46 Reinhold Heidenstein, De bello Moscovitico (Wilno 1584), 211 ; reprinted in Historiæ Ruthenicæ Scriptores II, 165 ; Russian translation : Idem, Zapiski o Moskovskoi voine [Commentaries on the Moscow War], trans. This story is one of the classics of Russian history, retold by Karamzin and all later historians and most famous from the Repin painting. What is peculiar about the contradiction between the main text (the second commentary) and the letters is that Possevino published both. Sotsial´noi ekonomicheskoi literatury, 1960‑1966), vol. The Tsar had rejected Eudoxia as a bride for himself but she was later married to the Tsar's son.