The views of individual contributors do not Individuals in foreign countries can vote against it, and boycott it. ( Log Out /  Perhaps Copland could devote a future book to outlining a comprehensive blueprint for reform, directed at specialists. (New York Attorney General Letitia James’s lawsuit to dissolve the NRA would likely qualify.) What’s natural isn’t necessarily good. No media hyperventilating. Firstly, that environment has to be understood, has to be known, assessed, to the best of our abilities; avoiding both understatement and avoiding exaggeration, unnecessarily reactionary and emotivist sensibilities as well. Is it not time for the Administrative State to have its own Article I Supreme Court? Copland’s fourth category—“new antifederalists”—is exemplified by the 1990s-era litigation by state governments against the tobacco companies. In contrast to his robust (and jargon-free) critique in earlier chapters, Copland offers cautious (and unavoidably technical) suggestions: judicial limits on delegation, congressional reforms along the lines of the Regulations from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny (REINS) Act, etc. The many, not the few. And in this present environment anything less than a call to arms is tepid and too wonkish, lacking any real verve or sanguine quality whatsoever.

A good society never happens naturally, and they know this, but they don’t want the public to know it, and they make sure that the majority of the public won’t know it. Defenders of litigation sometimes try to justify it as a form of “private enforcement,” akin to the free market, but Copland correctly notes that our litigation system is far removed from markets: “Markets involve consensual transactions, in which each party to the transaction agrees to a deal. It is not clear why such an inferior court was not previously considered as the Court of Appeals for Washington, D.C., has been inundated with cases. Many ordinary people simply refuse to believe how evil and deceitful, and outright bigoted (basically supremacist), people have to be in order to become and remain a billionaire. Thanks Again. Copland heaps scorn on “contingent fee” arrangements, the so-called American Rule requiring litigants to bear their own attorneys’ fees, class actions, mass tort litigation, attorney advertising, junk science, the cy pres doctrine, and costly, often abusive pre-trial discovery. Behind the scenes, even America’s racial caste system is enforced on behalf of both Parties’ billionaires, because supremacism is what they all share, regardless of their rhetoric to the contrary, and there is a groupist element to this supremacism. The people who control the people who write and enforce the laws don’t need to worry about prison.

At an appropriate time, a detailed post mortem would make an excellent sequel to The Unelected—a case study of how the unaccountable “experts” handled the crisis. America has a higher percentage of its people in prison than any other nation on Earth, and none of America’s prisoners are billionaires nor spouse or child of any, except for the very few organized criminals who were cheating and stealing from other billionaires (and, since billionaires rule America, that’s the only type of crime a billionaire can be successfully prosecuted for perpetrating in America — crimes against other billionaires). Like left-wing parties always and everywhere, it is a “machine,” that is, based on providing tangible rewards to its members. The myth of the kindly ‘philanthropic’ billionaire (supposedly not motivated by the tax-writeoffs and buildings that will be named in their honor for the ‘donation’) is thus intrinsic to the culture in America and many other countries — countries that are largely controlled by the U.S. regime (its billionaires). Ever wonder why we, as Americans, don’t learn? Copland connects the dots among his superficially disparate categories fairly well. Sorry, your blog cannot share posts by email. It would also hear of misconduct or malfeasance in civically and not criminally guided hearings as in the present constitution.

Readers hoping for radical prescriptions will be disappointed. You get the nomination by representing your Party’s billionaires, not by representing its voters. Your eyes are about to be opened WIDE. The opinions expressed on Law & Liberty are solely those of the contributors to the site and do not reflect the opinions of Liberty Fund. Large corporations can afford the immense sums necessary for compliance and legal expenses; individuals and small businesses generally do not. Copland’s disdain for litigators—especially those specializing in class actions—is unsparing. Normal day. Whatever anyone decides is a proper understanding of a call to arms at the present juncture should be based upon a full appreciation of Anton's intent. The Evilness of America’s Ruling Class. Almost all of America’s prisoners are, in fact, poor people, not even middle-class — and virtually none are upper-class. The advance copy I reviewed contained no notes, bibliography, or index, so I cannot comment on Copland’s sources or the breadth of his research. The U.S. is controlled by its six or seven hundred billionaires (the study identified America’s ruling class as only “economic elites and organized groups representing business interests”, but the people who own the controlling interest in over 90% of that and hire their lobbyists and fund the careers of the winning politicians are simply America’s billionaires, the U.S. oligarchy or “aristocracy”).